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Works on Hegel's Social and Political Philosophy 1. He was educated at the Royal Highschool in Stuttgart from and steeped in both the classics and the literature of the European Enlightenment. In Hegel received an M. Shortly after graduation, Hegel took a post as tutor to a wealthy Swiss family in Berne from During this time he wrote unpublished essays on religion which display a certain radical tendency of thought in his critique of orthodox religion.
In Januarytwo years after the death of his father, Hegel finished with tutoring and went to Jena where he took a position as Privatdozent unsalaried lecturer at the University of Jena, where Hegel's friend Schelling had already held a university professorship for three years. There Hegel collaborated with Schelling on a Critical Journal of Philosophy Kritisches Journal der Philosophie and he also published a piece on the differences between the philosophies of Fichte and Schelling Differenz des Fichte'schen und Schelling'schen Systems der Philosophie in which preference was consistently expressed for the latter thinker.
With the closing of the University, due to the victory of the French in Prussia, Hegel had to seek employment elsewhere and so he took a job as editor of a newspaper in Bamberg, Bavaria in Die Bamberger Zeitung followed by a move to Nuremberg in where Hegel became headmaster of a preparatory school Gymnasiumroughly equivalent to a high school, and also taught philosophy to the students there until During this time Hegel married, had children, and published his Science of Logic Wissenschaft der Logik in three volumes.
In he became Professor of Philosophy at the University of Berlin, through the invitation of the Prussion minister von Altenstein who had introduced many liberal reforms in Prussia until the fall of Napoleonand Hegel taught there until he died in Hegel lectured on various topics in philosophy, most notably on history, art, religion, and the history of philosophy and he became quite famous and influential.
He held public positions as a member of the Royal Examination Commission of the Province of Brandenberg and also as a councellor in the Ministry of Education. In he published the Philosophy of Right Philosophie des Rechts and in was given the honor of being elected Rector of the University.
Political Writings Apart from his philosophical works on history, society, and the state, Hegel wrote several political tracts most of which were not published in his lifetime but which are significant enough in connection to the theoretical writings to deserve some mention.
These are published in English translation in Hegel's Political Writings and Political Writings, listed in the bibliography of works by Hegel below. In it Hegel expresses the view that the constitutional structure of Wurtemberg requires fundamental reform.
He condemns the absolutist rule of Duke Ferdinand along with the narrow traditionalism and legal positivism of his officials and welcomes the convening of the Estates Assembly, while disagreeing with the method of election in the Diet.
In contrast to the existing system of oligarchic privilege, Hegel argues that the Diet needs to be based on popular election through local town councils, although this should not be done by granting suffrage to an uneducated multitude.
The essay ends inconclusively on the appropriate method of political representation. A quite long piece of about pages, The German Constitution Die Verfassung Deutchlands was written and revised by Hegel between and and was not published until after his death in This piece provides an analysis and critique of the constitution of the German Empire with the main theme being that the Empire is a thing of the past and that appeals for a unified German state are anachronistic.
Hegel finds a certain hypocrisy in German thinking about the Empire and a gap between theory and practice in the German constitution. Germany was no longer a state governed by law but rather a plurality of independent political entities with disparate practices.
Hegel stresses the need to recognize that the realities of the modern state necessitate a strong public authority along with a populace that is free and unregimented.
The principle of government in the modern world is constitutional monarchy, the potentialities of which can be seen in Austria and Prussia. Hegel ends the essay on an uncertain note with the idea that Germany as a whole could be saved only by some Machiavellian genius.
Hegel sided with King Frederick and criticized the Estates as being reactionary in their appeal to old customary laws and feudal property rights. There has been controversy over whether Hegel here was trying to gain favor with the King in order to attain a government position.
However, Hegel's favoring a sovereign kingdom of Wurtemberg over the German Empire and the need for a constitutional charter that is more rational than the previous are quite continuous with the previous essays. A genuine state needs a strong and effective central public authority, and in resisting the Estates are trying to live in the feudal past.
Moreover, Hegel is not uncritical of the King's constitutional provisions and finds deficiencies in the exclusion of members of professions from the Estates Assembly as well as in the proposal for direct suffrage in representation, which treats citizens like unintegrated atomic units rather than as members of a political community.
The last of Hegel's political tracts, "The English Reform Bill," was written in installments in for the ministerial newspaper, the Preussische Staatszeitung, but was interrupted due to censure by the Prussian King because of the perception of its being overly critical and anti-English. As a result, the remainder of the work was printed independently and distributed discretely.
Hegel's main line of criticism is that the proposed English reforms of suffrage will not make much of a difference in the distribution of political power and may only create a power struggle between the rising group of politicians and the traditional ruling class. Moreover, there are deep problems in English society that cannot be addressed by the proposed electoral reforms, including political corruption in the English burroughs, the selling of seats in parliament, and the general oligarchic nature of social reality including the wide disparities between wealth and poverty, Ecclesiastical patronage, and conditions in Ireland.
While Hegel supports the idea of reform with its appeal to rational change as against the "positivity" of customary law, traditionalism and privilege, he thinks that universalizing suffrage with a property qualification without a thorough reform of the system of Common Law and the existing social conditions will only be perceived as token measures leading to greater disenchantment among the newly enfranchised and possibly inclinations to violent revolution.
Hegel claims that national pride keeps the English from studying and following the reforms of the European Continent or seriously reflecting upon and grasping the nature of government and legislation. There are several overall themes that reoccur in these political writings and that connect with some of the main lines of thought in Hegel's theoretical works.
First, there is the contrast between the attitude of legal positivism and the appeal to the law of reason. Hegel consistently displays a "political rationalism" which attacks old concepts and attitudes that no longer apply to the modern world.
Old constitutions stemming from the Feudal era are a confused mixture of customary laws and special privileges that must give way to the constitutional reforms of the new social and political world that has arrived in the aftermath of the French Revolution.
Second, reforms of old constitutions must be thorough and radical, but also cautious and gradual. This might sound somewhat inconsistent, but for Hegel a reform is radical due to a fundamental change in direction, not the speed of such change. Hegel suggests that customary institutions not be abolished too quickly for there must be some congruence and continuity with the existing social conditions.So why is freedom of the press so important?
During New York Times Co. v. United States, U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black said, "The press was to serve the governed, not the governors.". In a democracy, like the U.S., the people have the right to know the happenings in government.
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Blain] on nationwidesecretarial.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. In , Mittie Maude Lena Gordon spoke to a crowd of black . Lincoln let the decision stand; Butler, after all, hadn’t challenged the status of enslaved people as property.
Yet Mallory, Baker, and Townsend’s escape and the general’s clever gambit proved momentous, the repercussions heralding the beginning of slavery’s end. The Contras were the various U.S.-backed and funded right-wing rebel groups that were active from to the early s in opposition to the socialist Sandinista Junta of National Reconstruction junta in nationwidesecretarial.com the separate contra groups, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) emerged as the largest by far.
In , virtually all contra organizations were united, at least nominally. The Importance of Freedom of Expression in America Would life be the same without freedom of expression?
Expressions of hate, sometimes called hate speech, are highly prevalent in today's society; one group using them . As we have seen in the United States in vibrant real time over the last several years, the media have become a battleground for the powerful to fight it out with the goal of altering public.